I know that some of those websites are controversial :
When you have politicians who sing one anthem containing the words "kill the boers, kill the white", you know what will happen.
To read :
I am a white South African who by a stroke of friendship from an Australian was helped out of South Africa on a student visa after my friend listened to the shocking trauma we underwent (over the phone) over two years. The one trauma around us noise bombardment around us particularly the increasing black population moving in who got increasingly confident in their harassment (these include guns and racial insults) because they knew that police were not responding to the calls made. The country is stricken with poverty and there is a well-established belief that whites are rich, creating a threatening environment for whites in and outside their homes as well as their work places. I personally felt this every day, when walking to work and being harassed by groups (meaning that they there is often more than one person) of black people (sometimes following me a for two blocks, until I find a shop to run into) who explicitly referred to me wealthy white who needs to "hand it over" or "give". Most of the times there was a threat given afterwards about the "consequences" if I don't "hand it over". Similarly when a bus drove past and stopped for a black person a block down, I've had comments like: "It's payback time for the whites" Similarly at my work place I have had countlessly experienced beggars ignoring my black manager while waiting for me to finish with a customer to do the same thing. In the process to organise official papers to get out of the country I experienced similar undermining in the form of misspelled names and dates on papers and then the official laughing at my anxiety and referring to my "privileged whiteness" coming to an end. My husband faced similar threats. In the critical crime state of Johannesburg (& South Africa), none of these events (if reported) would be taken in any serious light. I know this because the few crime incidences I reported when I was robbed or held up went no further than a piece of paper stating that it happened and in some cases were not even written and laughed off as not being serious enough. The response of the police, when called in various incidences were also a total absence. When applying for work during unemployment, I was told "in confidence" by my prospective employers that they cannot employ me because of B.E.E. (a black empowerment legislation). My unemployment period brought me to the verge of homelessness and me finally begging myself into some casual employment did little to keep me above the bread line .Just to mention some, I've lost friends, they have been brutally murdered, one of them being on a farm who ran a record company to promote African music, who was shot in a racial incident while his wife and child ran and locked themselves in the house waiting for the police. Another was shot in his driveway because he was a "privileged white man" who owned a car. These were murders of people I knew directly and also indirectly through friends as well as people working in businesses around me and were not just read in a newspapers. The events of robberies, threats and aggravation around me drove a conviction in me to search for a humane end to my life before it would be ended in the inhumane way so many of my friends and white South Africans met. It was at this stage that I got a life line from my Australian friend. When I arrived in Australia the full severity of my trauma came out (unintentionally) in the everyday freedom Australians enjoyed. I experienced severe anxiety attacks when approached in the very normal situation of some musos striking up a conversation outside a cafe at night before going in to perform. I experienced similar anxiety when people ran down roads in innocent chases or fun. The prospect of leaving home or going outside at night (especially when it was expected of me in my work, which is caring for disabled person) immediately put me in a state of huge fear followed by uncontrollable crying. The response I was met with was one of total disbelief and strangely the same kind of undermining I experienced in South Africa. People would laugh at me when I tried to explain my reactions and would tell me that they simply can't believe that it is that bad. Furthermore Australians believe that white South Africans enjoy great wealth and opportunity in their country and generally they are known as "whiners" and "whingers" with a bit of an arrogant personality. When exploring the options of a protection visa I came across the wider opinions of the UNHCR and Amnesty international using statistics and democracy and the same statement of white South Africans being too opinionated. The only organisation siting the situation in South Africa is Genocide watch, while other organisations like the "Afrikaner genocide archives" and Farmitracker" are whole heartedly disqualified and ignored as sensationalist. I have been discouraged to lodge anything in the form of protection by surrounding people (including South Africans) unless I have been stabbed or raped and can give clear evidence by police files etc. I think the worst response I got from a non-South African was that we must pay for 'apartheid', something I didn't condone or were of the age to condemn and during my stay in South Africa genuinely participated in empowering the disempowered with tangible projects. I am genuinely frightened to go back (if the student visa attempt fails) and I suffer with an overwhelming depression every day at the prospects of my situation and the great disbelief from the international community. I am now asking that very same community what I must do and what they would do if they were in my situation. I invite any solicitors, politicians, friends and family for any advice.
Source : A call to South African migrants living in Australia – tell your story :
Killings of white farmers highlight toxic apartheid legacy in South Africa
ERMELO, South Africa -- In a country cursed by one of the world's highest murder rates, being a white farmer makes a violent death an even higher risk.
Whether attacks have been motivated by race or robbery, a rising death rate from rural homicides is drawing attention to the lack of change on South Africa's farms nearly two decades after the end of apartheid -- and to the tensions burgeoning over enduring racial inequality.
Some of South Africa's predominantly white commercial farmers go as far as to brand the farm killings a genocide.
'Potentially explosive' issue
On the other side of the divide, populists are seizing on the discontent among the black majority to demand a forced redistribution of white-owned farms along the lines of neighboring Zimbabwe.
Advertise | AdChoices
"The issue is potentially explosive," said Lechesa Tsenoli, deputy minister for land reform, arguing that South Africa's future depends on ending inequality on the farms.
The economic change promised by Nelson Mandela's African National Congress (ANC) when white-minority rule ended in 1994 has been even slower in the countryside than in cities and mines, where at least small elites of black South Africans have prospered.
Land ownership ratios are little changed from 1913, when the Natives' Land Act set aside 87 percent of land for whites. Meanwhile, black farm workers are among South Africa's poorest.
But life is getting more uncomfortable for the white farmers, too. Their number is down a third, to some 40,000, in the past 15 years. Headlines about the farm killings are another incentive to sell.
For while South Africa's overall annual murder rate has more than halved since the end of apartheid to around 32 people per 100,000, figures for commercial farmers show a near 50 percent rise to an average rate of some 290 per 100,000 a year in the five years to 2011.
Shot through the neck and chest
Shot at his home by black attackers two years ago, 34-year-old Johan Scholtz believes he was the victim of a racially motivated attack rather than a robbery.
"I was shot through my neck, I was shot through my chest and as I fell to the ground they came and stood over me and they shot again -- two times -- just missed my brain," Scholtz said, fighting back tears as he recalled the incident.
"My sheep were there around the house, they could've taken the sheep. My house was open, they could've easily gone in. But they left with nothing," he said, adding that the family did not own much worth stealing.
Scholtz now keeps a baseball bat by his bed at his livestock farm in Ermelo, in the undulating veld some 140 miles east of Johannesburg. He is asking himself how long he will stay in the business.
NBC's Ron Allen asked three students from the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg for their impressions of South Africa's past -- and if they feel positive about their own futures.
Despite the ANC's pledge to build a "rainbow nation," South Africa's income disparity -- which had already been among the top few in the world -- has widened further since apartheid ended, according to World Bank figures.
South Africa launches new Nelson Mandela bank notes
Among the very poorest are the black farm workers, suffering not only from the economic hardship, but -- all too often -- a brand of racial abuse unchanged since the end of white rule.
"For farm workers at the bottom like me, we are not allowed to talk to farm owners directly," complained one 28-year-old fruit farm worker from the northeastern Limpopo province, asking that he be called only by his first name, Frans.
Mandela's 'Rainbow Nation' determined to succeed
"The farmers disrespect us to a point they would use the 'K-word,'" he said. The "K-word" is "kaffir," apartheid-era slang for a black person and highly offensive.
Advertise | AdChoices
While wages for most workers have increased steadily since apartheid, they have risen more slowly for farm workers -- who earn only 10 to 30 percent of a typical factory worker's wage. About half those in rural areas live on less than $3 a day.
Anger has boiled over in violent strikes in recent weeks in the Cape Town wine region, where thousands of farm workers demand a doubling in wages from about $8 a day.
The South African politician blamed for inflaming the miners' strikes there told NBC News that the treatment of the poor is worse now than it was under apartheid. Julius Malema, - expelled from the ruling African National Congress for his radical views - says he wants to spread the chaos, that left 34 miners dead. NBC's Rohit Kachroo reports.
Study: Robbery, not race, the biggest motive
The motive for nearly 90 percent of farm attacks was robbery rather than race, according to the biggest government study on the subject, published nearly a decade ago.
"There might be segments within the South African population that would like to use words such as genocide, but farm attacks are a result of criminal activities," said Andre Botha of Agri SA, the largest farmers' union, which points out that the small number of black commercial farmers are also victims of crime.
Cops shoot dead 7 robbers in South Africa
"It's an obvious result of the lifestyle that we chose. Farms are a soft target," he said.
Disentangling motives is no easy task, however, in a society where whites have the vast majority of the wealth on display and the history of discrimination can add another edge to attacks on isolated homesteads.
On Wednesday, Nelson Mandela celebrated his 94th birthday, another remarkable accomplishment after enduring so much in the name of freedom. Two decades after the end of apartheid in South Africa the divide between the rich and poor is still strikingly visible, but today's young adults have great hopes for the future. NBC's Ron Allen reports.
"Sometimes it degenerates into racial conflict," said Johan Burger of the Institute for Security Studies, who has been studying farm violence for more than a decade.
When white supremacist leader Eugene Terre'blanche was hacked to death by two farm workers in 2010, racial motives were suspected, but it turned out to have been caused by a wage dispute.
The racial discontent on the farms has also become an element in the political equation at a time of tensions over wildcat mineworkers' strikes and factional struggles within the ruling ANC.
'Shoot the Boer' rhetoric
Before being told to stop by the courts, populist leader Julius Malema stirred up crowds with his singing of "Shoot the Boer" --deepening unease among whites in a country where the Afrikaans word for farmer is synonymous with the people who make up most of the 10 percent white minority.
Secretary of State Clinton tells of the important life lessons she has learned through her friendship with Nelson Mandela.
Although the ANC has decided to drop the apartheid-era song after firing Malema as its youth leader, the affair has pushed race further onto the political agenda.
AfriForum, a vocal advocacy group for Afrikaans-speakers -- who descend mostly from Dutch and French settlers -- blames the song in part for the rise in crimes against farmers as it catalogues murders, rapes and other attacks.
Meanwhile, Malema and the ANC's youth wing are demanding that white-owned land be turned over to black South Africans.
For radicals, Zimbabwe's experience set a good example to follow -- even though the forced seizures of land helped push South Africa's neighbor into nearly a decade of economic decline.
According to a plan drawn up under Mandela, 30 percent of farmland was meant to be handed to black South Africans by 2014. Only 8 percent has been transferred, however, and the government is now reviewing the plan.
The direct economic impact of any radical change in land ownership might be less dramatic in South Africa than in Zimbabwe because farming accounts for only about 3 percent of gross domestic product rather than 20 percent.
But no matter how it is addressed, the potential for growing confrontation over race and land raises another dangerous prospect for Africa's biggest economy.